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UAE’s diplomatic faux pas in Sudan: Genocide allegations mar Abu Dhabi’s neutral image

UAE’s diplomatic faux pas in Sudan: Genocide allegations mar Abu Dhabi’s neutral image

Samir Bhattacharya March 8, 2025, 12:29:39 IST

The relationship between Sudan and the UAE is complex, characterised by both cooperation and recent tensions. The UAE’s alleged support for the RSF against the non-Arab Masalit tribe has become a significant point of contention

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UAE’s diplomatic faux pas in Sudan: Genocide allegations mar Abu Dhabi’s neutral image
The repercussions of these allegations could significantly impact the UAE’s reputation in Africa as a key economic partner. Image: REUTERS

The United Arab Emirates is confronted with a challenging predicament, as the military government of Sudan, under the leadership of General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, has formally lodged a complaint at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), accusing the UAE of breaching its obligations under the Genocide Convention.

The charges were initially directed at the paramilitary Rapid Support Force (RSF) and its leader, General Muhammad Hamdan Dagalo, popularly known as Hemedti, for offences including “genocide, murder, theft of property, rape, forcible displacement, trespassing, vandalism of public property, and violations of human rights”.

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The Sudanese government has accused the UAE of complicity in genocide. Sudan referenced the case of ethnic-based attacks perpetrated by the RSF against the non-Arab Masalit tribe in 2023 in West Darfur, alleging that the UAE supported and armed the RSF and its allied Arab militias.

As anticipated, the UAE dismissed the case as a “cynical publicity stunt” and pledged to appeal for an immediate dismissal. While the outcome of the ICJ’s verdict remains uncertain, the potential actions the Court may take against the UAE are not difficult to foresee. In recent times, the ICJ has failed to take any significant action regarding Russia or Ukraine. Although its rulings are legally binding, the Court lacks the authority to enforce them. In any case, it seems that Sudan currently lacks any concrete evidence against the UAE.

Nevertheless, the repercussions of this legal challenge could significantly impact the UAE’s reputation in Africa as a key economic partner. Over the years, the UAE has expanded its economic presence across the continent through investments in ports, airports, and infrastructure projects.

In 2022, with an investment of $50 billion, the UAE became the largest investor in Africa, surpassing other competing nations, including China and the United States. In the past two years alone, the UAE has pledged an additional $97 billion in new investments, three times the amount committed by China.

The timing of the appeal is also noteworthy. For nearly two years, the devastating conflict between the two military leaders has resulted in the deaths of more than 24,000 individuals and the internal displacement of approximately 30 per cent of the population, or around 14 million Sudanese.

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While it has been a see-saw battle, with shifts in control, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have recently gained the upper hand, reclaiming significant portions of the capital and its surrounding areas. It marked a potential turning point in Sudan’s civil war, as the SAF’s ongoing strategic offensive pushed the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) to the outskirts of the city.

In a move to counter the onslaught by the Sudanese Army and to ensure its survival, on February 22, the RSF and its allies signed a charter in Kenya, announcing the establishment of a parallel government, referred to as a “government of peace and unity”. The RSF also outlined plans for what it characterises as a federal, secular state divided into eight regions, with Port Sudan on the Red Sea under the RSF-led government’s control.

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The move has since been criticised by Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and numerous other countries. However, the UAE’s silence regarding the announcement of the new Sudan is interpreted as implicit support for the RSF.

This development does not bode well for the UAE’s engagement with Sudan. Over the years, the UAE has made significant investments in Sudanese seaports, energy, mining, banking, and agriculture sectors. Presently, the UAE imports 90 per cent of its food supply from Sudan. With a cumulative investment exceeding $7.6 billion, the UAE is one of Sudan’s most important economic partners. Additionally, the UAE has contributed $70 million to UN agencies to support efforts addressing the humanitarian crisis in Sudan.

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While the UAE exports various products, including refined petroleum, infrastructure, and logistics, it primarily imports gold, precious stones, and critical minerals. The importation of gold has led to several accusations, including claims of laundering gold for Russia through the Wagner Group. However, these allegations have not posed any significant threat to the UAE.

The relationship between Sudan’s military government and the UAE began to deteriorate due to the UAE’s alleged support for the RSF. Just last year, Sudan annulled a $6 billion agreement to develop a new port and a linked enterprise zone along the Red Sea coast, thereby creating opportunities for regional rivals, including Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt.

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Like many other countries, the UAE has been engaged in a delicate balancing act in a multipolar world. By focusing exclusively on economic diplomacy and refraining from political and ideological debates, the UAE has managed to preserve its neutral image. Its stance as a diplomatic neutral ground has notably enhanced its geopolitical position.

The relationship between Sudan and the UAE is complex, characterised by both cooperation and recent tensions. However, the UAE’s alleged support for the RSF has become a significant point of contention in its future engagement. Given the evolving political landscape, the decision to bring the UAE to Court clearly reflects Sudan’s intention to reassess this partnership. Emerging unscathed from this setback would certainly be a diplomatic challenge for the UAE.

Samir Bhattacharya is Associate Fellow at Observer Research Foundation. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.

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